Wednesday, 7 August 2019

Why Right-Wing Ideology Is Harder for America to Fight

Insights, analysis and must reads from CNN's Fareed Zakaria and the Global Public Square team, compiled by Global Briefing editor Chris Good
 
Aug. 7, 2019

Why Right-Wing Ideology Is Harder for America to Fight

As the US wrestles with how best to confront white-supremacist violence, Mike Giglio of The Atlantic offers up a concise, if grim, assessment of why it's been easier for the US to counter jihadist extremism: "The comparison [between the two forms of extremism] underscores a key problem," he writes, "one that ISIS and al-Qaeda never forced Americans to face: What if the center of an extremist militant ideology is not in some lawless region of the Middle East or South Asia, but in America itself?"

Demonization of immigrants, for instance, is a thread that runs through some strains of American politics—including, as many on the left have noted, President Trump's own comments. That makes questions of free speech thornier and is likely to raise fears of political persecution on the American right, if the government seeks to counter right-wing ideology. ISIS may have been an easier foe because it held a definable territory that the US could "take away," Giglio suggests, while white-supremacist violence forces America to look within and fight an ideology that exists, unfortunately, at home.

Who's the Manipulator?

Though the US has accused China of manipulating its currency, Jeffrey Sachs writes in a CNN op-ed that the "only economic manipulation here is [President] Trump's," given his aggressive tariffs and the widespread agreement that China is not, at present, manipulating the yuan. Writing at the Lowy Institute's Interpreter blog, Roland Rajah goes a step further, arguing America itself could become a currency manipulator, if Trump's logic prevails.

If the US truly believes its currency accusation, Washington may naturally want to buy up yuan-backed assets, to drive up the yuan's value. At that point, "the US would instead be acting as a currency manipulator," potentially seeking a weaker dollar simply to gain trade leverage—and the "political whims of the US President would now be trying to dictate the value of the world's reserve currency." Trump faces few constraints in that department, Rajah predicts, writing that if "Trump wants a weaker dollar and shows he is prepared to act, then there will be little stopping this from becoming a reality. After all, who would want to hold the US dollar then?"

New York Times columnist Tom Friedman paints a troubling picture of the standoff, with Trump and President Xi Jinping each having "overplayed" his hand. The nature of US-China trade is much deeper than it was 10 years ago—involving critical technologies and going beyond the era when "America bought T-shirts, tennis shoes and toys from China, and China bought soybeans and Boeing jetliners from America," Friedman writes—which only makes the stakes much higher, as an end to the trade war appears less likely.

Doomsday Creeps Back In

The demise of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty is dangerous not only because it removes a key limit on nuclear weapons, according to former US Energy secretary Ernest Moniz and former US senator Sam Nunn. It's a threat to world security because it comes at a particularly troubling geopolitical and technological moment.

Writing in Foreign Affairs, the two argue that during the Cold War, Washington and Moscow sought more actively to avoid catastrophe. Since then, things have gotten worse, while military technology has advanced—with new weapons requiring faster decisions in a crisis. "Arms control has withered, and communication channels have closed, while outdated Cold War nuclear postures have persisted alongside new threats in cyberspace and dangerous advances in military technology (soon to include hypersonic weaponry, which will travel at more than five times the speed of sound)," they write.

Europe, meanwhile, has taken a blasé attitude toward the possibility of nuclear-armed cruise missiles stationed on the continent, Nick Witney writes for the European Council on Foreign Relations. "The sad truth is that European indifference to the death of the INF Treaty stems not from confidence but from a deep-seated reluctance to accept that nuclear issues are back on the agenda at all," he concludes.

A 'Tinderbox' in Kashmir

After India's move to roll back Kashmir's semi-autonomous status, and Pakistan's suspension of trade in response, Ramesh Thakur recounts in a Project Syndicate op-ed all the factors that make India's decision worrisome.

While Hindu nationalism is on the rise in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's India, Pakistan-backed extremist groups still have the capability to attack in the disputed border region of Kashmir; India, meanwhile, has set a new precedent of responding to terrorism with military strikes, Thakur writes. Those trends have "turned Kashmir into a tinderbox," he argues. "India's decision to withdraw Kashmir's special status threatens to be the spark that ignites it."

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